Fire and Fury, le livre scandale sur Donald Trump: à lire ci-dessous en version intégrale !
CONTENTS
AUTHOR’S NOTE
PROLOGUE: AILES AND BANNON
- ELECTION DAY
- TRUMP TOWER
- DAY ONE
- BANNON
- JARVANKA
- AT HOME
- RUSSIA
- ORG CHART
- CPAC
- GOLDMAN
- WIRETAP
- REPEAL AND REPLACE
- BANNON AGONISTES
- SITUATION ROOM
- MEDIA
- COMEY
- ABROAD AND AT HOME
- BANNON REDUX
- MIKA WHO?
- MCMASTER AND SCARAMUCCI
- BANNON AND SCARAMUCCI
- GENERAL KELLY
EPILOGUE: BANNON AND TRUMP
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
INDEX
AUTHOR’S NOTE
The reason to write this book could not be more obvious. With the inauguration of Donald Trump on January 20, 2017, the United States entered the eye of the most extraordinary political storm since at least Watergate. As the day approached, I set out to tell this story in as contemporaneous a fashion as possible, and to try to see life in the Trump White House through the eyes of the people closest to it.
This was originally conceived as an account of the Trump administration’s first hundred days, that most traditional marker of a presidency. But events barreled on without natural pause for more than two hundred days, the curtain coming down on the first act of Trump’s presidency only with the appointment of retired general John Kelly as the chief of staff in late July and the exit of chief strategist Stephen K. Bannon three weeks later.
The events I’ve described in these pages are based on conversations that took place over a
period of eighteen months with the president, with most members of his senior staff—some of
whom talked to me dozens of times—and with many people who they in turn spoke to. The first
interview occurred well before I could have imagined a Trump White House, much less a book
about it, in late May 2016 at Trump’s home in Beverly Hills—the then candidate polishing off a
pint of Häagen-Dazs vanilla as he happily and idly opined about a range of topics while his
aides, Hope Hicks, Corey Lewandowski, and Jared Kushner, went in and out of the room.
Conversations with members of the campaign’s team continued through the Republican
Convention in Cleveland, when it was still hardly possible to conceive of Trump’s election. They
moved on to Trump Tower with a voluble Steve Bannon—before the election, when he still
seemed like an entertaining oddity, and later, after the election, when he seemed like a miracle
worker.
Shortly after January 20, I took up something like a semipermanent seat on a couch in the
West Wing. Since then I have conducted more than two hundred interviews.
While the Trump administration has made hostility to the press a virtual policy, it has also
been more open to the media than any White House in recent memory. In the beginning, I sought
a level of formal access to this White House, something of a fly-on-the-wall status. The president
himself encouraged this idea. But, given the many fiefdoms in the Trump White House that came
into open conflict from the first days of the administration, there seemed no one person able to
make this happen. Equally, there was no one to say “Go away.” Hence I became more a constant
interloper than an invited guest—something quite close to an actual fly on the wall—having
accepted no rules nor having made any promises about what I might or might not write.
Many of the accounts of what has happened in the Trump White House are in conflict with
one another; many, in Trumpian fashion, are baldly untrue. Those conflicts, and that looseness
with the truth, if not with reality itself, are an elemental thread of the book. Sometimes I have let
the players offer their versions, in turn allowing the reader to judge them. In other instances I
have, through a consistency in accounts and through sources I have come to trust, settled on a
version of events I believe to be true.
Some of my sources spoke to me on so-called deep background, a convention of contemporary political books that allows for a disembodied description of events provided by an unnamed witness to them. I have also relied on off-the-record interviews, allowing a source to provide a direct quote with the understanding that it was not for attribution. Other sources spoke to me with the understanding that the material in the interviews would not become public until the book came out. Finally, some sources spoke forthrightly on the record.
At the same time, it is worth noting some of the journalistic conundrums that I faced when
dealing with the Trump administration, many of them the result of the White House’s absence of
official procedures and the lack of experience of its principals. These challenges have included
dealing with off-the-record or deep-background material that was later casually put on the
record; sources who provided accounts in confidence and subsequently shared them widely, as
though liberated by their first utterances; a frequent inattention to setting any parameters on the
use of a conversation; a source’s views being so well known and widely shared that it would be
risible not to credit them; and the almost samizdat sharing, or gobsmacked retelling, of otherwise
private and deep-background conversations. And everywhere in this story is the president’s own
constant, tireless, and uncontrolled voice, public and private, shared by others on a daily basis,
sometimes virtually as he utters it.
For whatever reason, almost everyone I contacted—senior members of the White House staff as well as dedicated observers of it—shared large amounts of time with me and went to great effort to help shed light on the unique nature of life inside the Trump White House. In the end, what I witnessed, and what this book is about, is a group of people who have struggled, each in their own way, to come to terms with the meaning of working for Donald Trump.
I owe them an enormous debt.